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FOURTH CHAPTER.
The Prizes: various, smaller and larger.
Smaller ones as first-fruits. White stone. Whether that was truly given to the victors. They received new robes. What paragandae are. Palm-shoots given to them as a sign of victory. Were they shoots with their fruit. Some believe that this transfer was called 'giving'. Others understand it differently. Holy Games and their gifts. Gifts of the lesser Games. Palm branches displayed. Grew out of a discus. Mercurialis' illustrations. Origin of this custom of palm branches. Why specifically from palm trees. Encouragement for applause and cheering. The clapping and cheering of the people themselves. Scattering of leaves and flowers.
§. I.
Now we must deal with the prizes and the circumstances, accompaniment, consequences, and fruits thereof.
§. II.
With respect to the prizes, we must again distinguish between the smaller and the greatest, of which the smaller are to be considered as pledges, forerunners, and first-fruits of the greatest.
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§. III.
Now, among these first-fruits, we will not include being declared, so proclaimed, named, and dedicated as a victor: although all of this was both an excellent honor on the one hand, and a certain assurance of the great prize on the other: but only the actual items that were presented to them, now appearing before the judges and prize distributors.
§. IV.
Among these we place first (namely, in the order of enumeration, not knowing whether this same order, which we intend to maintain, was also observed in practice) that perhaps the Olympic victor, or at least now and then these or those victors in other arenas (Lydius, Agonistica, chapter 39), were given a (When in Revelation 2:17 the glorified Christ promises to give the victor a 'white stone,' interpreters differ widely about what one should understand by it and what is alluded to. We do not mix in that dispute, but only note that some have in view here the white stone that was given to the Olympic victor. See Arethas of Caesarea, Pererius, Hammondus and others. One can also read about the 'white stone' what Saldenus in his Otia Theologica, book 1, exercise 8, M. Chr. Dav. Funccius in his Dissertation on the white voting stone and more such learned heroes have learnedly written about it.) white voting stone, that is, a stone such as was used in ancient times to give one's judgment or vote (as we say) on a matter, or for the election of magistrates, in which last respect it may bear the name of 'election stone' (because one used it for the election). It was white, to assure the victor of the victory and prize, as the color white was assigned to victory and prosperity, in contrast to the black, which signified refusal, defeat, and condemnation. Undoubtedly, on this white stone was the name of the victor with the new title of honor of Olympic winner or holy winner, that is, victor of that or that game, or perhaps a special name and praise (which no one initially, except the one who received it, could know) was on top. That such a voting or election stone was given to the victors, Arethas (Aretas on Revelation 2:17) confirms, saying: “He placed the white voting stone here, because it was known to those who competed in the arenas and stadiums, and was given to the victors.” However, some, and in particular Faber (Faber, Agonistica, book 2, chapters 9 and 33), doubt whether such an election stone was ever given to the victors of the Games, because antiquity mentions so little about it, and therefore we only wanted to give it a place here with the reservation of a 'perhaps'. Others allow that a small stone, or something called by that name, was given to the Olympic athletes before the start of the game (Brichtmannus on the same passage); and understand it to mean the lot, which each competitor drew, which we discussed earlier. This seems even more improbable to us. It may be that in ancient times it was customary to give such a small stone, but that the 'giving' of it was later exchanged for, or served as a sign (as Faber wants) of what was subsequently called the 'giving' (more on which later), and that therefore the giving of the small stone was consigned to oblivion. However, in doubtful matters, we cannot easily establish anything. However, if it were so that the victor received such a white stone, one could further think that he may have considered this not only as certain proof that the judges had given him the vote of victory, but also as something with which he could at all times prove the same to the whole world, as with a seal and letter. It is also not far-fetched to guess that he may have used this later in voting for elections and similar joyous proceedings, and each time to renew the memory of his victory and glory through this sign.
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§. V.
Second, the victors received new garments or robes. This is clear from Lucianus (Lucianus in Demonax), who says: “at a certain point he was even mocked by an athlete, because he appeared in a flowered garment after his Olympic victory, and the latter hit him with a stone on the temple, so that blood flowed.” So Vopiscus also relates (Vopiscus in Aurelianus, chapter 46) that the prizes for the competitors included clothing, for he ascribes to them tunicas subsericas & lineas paragandas: silk robes, and linen, or cloaks, or spreads, or stripes, belts and borders: for the word PARAGANDAE is quite ambiguous in meaning, more on which can be read in Turnebus (Adrianus Turnebus, Adversaria, book 9, chapter 11), Matthias Martinius (M. Martinus, Lexicon Philologicum, under the word) and Buxtorfius. The latter (Buxtorfius, Lexicon Talmudicum) shows that it is a Syrian word, written by them as פרגוד and פרגודא, which in that language means as much as a curtain, hanging, spread, yes also cloak and robe. Perhaps Vopiscus uses it here for over-cloaks, or mantles, which were worn over the silk robes.
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These were in ancient times among the Greeks, it seems, white and pure (Buxtorfius' son in the Lexicon), for which reasons the victors were said to be 'clothed with the white garment' (Chaldean-Syriac under the word פרגודא), which however does not exclude that it could have purple borders or edges. It seems that the Olympic victors were adorned with such white garments as a sign of their victory and triumph, because they, having been victorious in a holy, that is, a game dedicated to God, were considered holy victors, and furthermore as consecrated persons and even priests. These, as Faber relates from Plutarch (Faber, Agonistica, book 2, chapter 12), came to meet the generals sent by the Roman state in Antioch at that time, in such a garment and also crowned. However, according to the opinion of the same Faber, the garments of the Olympic winners were later changed into 'painted, palmed or flowered'; which Isidorus describes as follows (Isidorus, Origines, book 19, chapter 24): “this was called a palmed toga, which those who obtained the palm from the enemies earned. This was also called the painted toga, because it had victories woven into it with palms.” This change had already taken place before the time of Lucianus, who, as Faber notes, relates that an Olympic victor was laughed at because he wore a 'flowered garment'; a passage we have just cited. However, perhaps that victor was the first to be dressed in such a garment in the Olympic field, and consequently could have been laughed at for the unusualness and novelty. It was undoubtedly considered appropriate to adorn the victors with a garment painted with woven-in palms, because the palm was the sign and a part of the prize of victory, and because the victors could furthermore, by this garment, depict and display their acquired triumph. And from this it seems to have originated that the Roman military victors were also adorned with such palmed and flowered robes of honor. Furthermore, it seems to us that the lineae Paragandae, linen robes, which Vopiscus mentions, were themselves such palmed and flowered robes of honor; the fabric was namely linen, the basic tone white, but as if painted by the woven-in palms and flowers.
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§. VI.
Thirdly: a palm-shoot was given to the Olympic victors (The palm-shoots were a sign of victory from ancient times and were as such often carried in the hands. See this also in John 12:13, Revelation 7:9, and also in the Apocryphal books 1 Maccabees 13:51, 2 Maccabees 10:7, 4 Ezra 2:45-46. See Ursinus, Arboretum Biblicum, chapter 41, § 18.), not as a prize for the victory, but as a sign of it, says the famous Paschalius very aptly (Paschalius, de Coronis, book 6, chapter 22), following in the footsteps of Julius Pollux (Pollux, Onomasticon, book 3, chapter 3) and Aristides; although otherwise the palm leaf, woven into a crown, was considered a general prize and crown for all kinds of victors in all games, as Plutarch (Plutarch, Symposion, book 8, problem 4), and through him others, have long ago clearly declared. The words of Plutarch indicate this, as he asks: “Why does each of the holy competitions have its own wreath, but the palm is common to all?” What Pausanias says (Pausanias, book 8) fits this: “Of most competitions the wreath is of palm; but the palm branch is given everywhere to the victors in the right hand.”
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From the handing over of this branch the game judges were called branch-givers: “For they gave the branch to the victors as a certain pledge of victory.” Therefore Cassiodorus also says not improperly (Cassiodorus, book 2, chapter 28): “the palm branch shows the people that the athlete is the victor.” The palm branches that were given were the shoots with their fruit (that is, the dates), which were called baia, as if one said biaia, from biaoo (to do violence), because they were violently torn off (Faber, Agonistica, book 2, chapter 25, at the end). Now the handing over of this branch, to carry it as a sign of victory before and after the coronation in the right hand, was called by the Greeks by its own name giving (dosis) (**When in James 1:17 it is said: ‘every good gift and every perfect gift is from above,’ it is a point of consideration for interpreters what distinction there is between ‘gift’ (dosis) and ‘perfect gift’ (dorema). The famous Coccejus says: ‘dosis’ is more general, and also includes goods that even God’s enemies receive; but ‘dorema’ is more specific, and indicates the goods that one will possess in the end in eternity. We do not doubt that ‘dosis’ means a lesser gift, with which the Lord rewards the not yet perfected, but ‘dorema’ a greater gift, with which He presents the perfected. This is an allusion to the rewards of the competitors, which were first smaller and were to be considered as pledges, forerunners and first-fruits, and then turned out to be greater and more substantial.*), according to the opinion of Paschalius (Paschalius, at the cited place).
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He attempts to confirm this with these words of Clement of Alexandria (Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus, book 2, chapter 8): “but in the competitions the 'giving' preceded the athletes, then followed the applause, thereupon the scattering of leaves, and finally the wreath.” Casaubonus reads (Casaubonus on Suetonius, in Nero, chapter 25) 'gifts' and 'power', and wants with others, namely Mercurialis (Mercurialis, de Arte Gymnastica, book 1, chapter 14), Faber, and others, that Clement indicates that the things mentioned, each in its time, were the prize of victory: namely, in ancient times the giving of 'real prizes', such as tripods, purple garments, gold, silver, etc., more on which will follow; and that then, when this ceased, 'beggary' took its place; which he explains as the competitor begging for some gifts from the spectators, or at least requesting them. But even when this ceased to be the prize, the 'scattering of leaves' would have taken its place, and after that the crown would have been the prize. However, since Casaubonus adds that Clement does not want to claim that after the invention of the crown those first things completely fell out of use, but that they came into less use, it seems to us that Clement, and also Casaubonus, wants to say that these things (formerly the prizes) were now given as preparations for the crown. Therefore, we will also explain them in that way, proceeding, and according to the common reading of giving, etc. I say again, that Paschalius wants the palm branch, or the handing over thereof, to be referred to by the name giving, and attempts to confirm this with the mentioned words of the Alexandrian, although Mercurialis is of a different opinion, and Faber is also of a different opinion (Faber, Agonistica, book 2, chapter 9). For the former wonders whether perhaps a distribution (congiarium) was not understood by it, in which meaning the Greek word appears in Herodianus, or perhaps rather some small gift, which in later times seemed too insignificant.
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Faber wants the giving to be an expression of the 'money or gift games', that is, such games that were competed for money and gifts, and not for the crown. The latter, and not the former, were called 'holy' games, as Paschalius (Paschalius, book 6, chapter 3) and Budaeus show from Pollux (Pollux, Onomasticon, book 3, chapter 30), which Faber, however, contradicts from the same Pollux. But be that as it may about the name 'holy', the gifts to be obtained in such games were tripods, copper vessels, jugs, silver drinking cups, lined tabards, purple cloaks, shields and other finery, to which, however, palm branches and crowns were also added, as all this is clear from what Vergilius (Vergilius, Aeneis, book 5, verse 109) expresses as follows:
Munera principio ante oculos, Circoque locantur
In medio sacri tripodes, viridesque coronae,
Et palmae, pretium Victoribus, armaque, & ostro
Perfusae vestes, argenti aurique talentum.
Which according to Vondel is:
The prizes are first placed in the middle of the track,
Field-tables, dedicated to God, that stood on three feet,
Gold, silver, weaponry, and purple garments,
And victory-branches, and also wreaths, green of leaves,
To victoriously cover the Victor's head.
In smaller and more meager games, only a cup or goblet was presented and given, as is evident from Athenaeus (Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, book 11). Such gifts were in ancient times the prizes of the Olympic Games themselves, when the crown had not yet been introduced for that purpose.
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For Strabo also points out (Strabo, book 8) that at the time of the Trojan war the crown was not known, or less famous, in the Olympic game. Faber (Faber, at the cited place) further indicates whether the 'giving' was a piece of copper, or a coin, which besides the crown was given to the victors as an ancillary prize, but could not make them as rich as the steward of a rich man, as Galenus jokes about it (Galenus, Exhortation to the Arts). But Xenophanes of Colophon has also spoken about the matter in some verses that can be read in Athenaeus (Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, book 10, at the beginning). Then Faber further indicates that by the word giving the crown-giving itself is also often meant. For example, he finds it used in Pindarus (Pindarus, Pythian Ode 8, strophe 4):
Βασιλεῦ, δόσιν ἔχεις
εὐθαλεῖ σὺν εὐθυμίᾳ
That is:
King, you have the gift,
so much desired,
at your joyous feasts
gloriously brought home.
And again (Idem, Pythian Ode 9, strophe 2):
ὁ δὲ καλόν τι νέον λαχών ... δόσεος
That is:
He who gets the great gift,
Greece's delight,
rises above anger,
envy and discord.
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At the same time, he brings forward that Dionysius the Areopagite (Dionysius the Areopagite, On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, chapter 7) is also said to have said "the gift, or giving, of the holy crowns." About this, Lydius (Lydius, Agonistica, chapter 34) notes not unjustly that it should seem strange to no one that the giving, so closely bordering on the crown, is also used for the crown itself: especially since not long after the giving the presentation of the crown followed. However, perhaps we have dealt too extensively with the 'giving'. We then return to the palm branch, which has led us to this, and which we must still dwell on for a while.
§. VII.
Now, the palm branches, which were to be given as a sign of victory, were displayed for the eye in the race course, on an elevated place, from the beginning of the game and throughout its duration. This is clear from the general actions surrounding the prizes and prize signs. For this reason, Vergilius, in the depiction thereof that we have cited above, also mentioned the palms, saying:
"And victory-branches, and also wreaths, green of leaves,
To victoriously cover the Victor's head."
Moreover, they were displayed in such a way that they grew out of a DISK, a bowl-shaped pot, as if from a flowerpot, and undoubtedly in a number equal to the number of players. This is made probable by two figures that Mercurialis has shown (Mercurialis, de Arte Gymnastica, book 2, chapter 5). Here you see in each three ball players, and moreover in the first, which comes from the coins of GORDIANUS III, on a wreathed table a jug with a pot stands, from which three palm branches grow, with ΑΓΩΝΟΘΕCΙΑ (although in my book, undoubtedly due to a printing error, ΑΓΩΝΟΘΕΣΙΑ is read) as an inscription on the belly.
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The latter, which Mercurialis says comes from the coins of M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS, minted in Constantinople, has as a belly inscription ΑΚΤΙΑ ΠΥΘΙΑ, as being for the use of the Pythian Games, which were celebrated at ACTIUM in honor of AUGUSTUS, because of his victory won in the naval battle over ANTONIUS and CLEOPATRA. Therefore, I do not know what kind of figure Faber saw in this chapter of Mercurialis, where besides the word ΑΓΩΝΟΘΕCΙΑ the letters AI stand, unless it was the first, because he says that it stands on a wreathed table. However, I do not find those letters there either, but only ΑΓΩΝΟΘΕCΙΑ. Wherefore it seems to us that Faber's diligence was unnecessarily fatigued, when he made an effort to find the meaning of those letters, namely whether they are the middle ones of ΒΑΙΟΦΟΡΟΙ, or the front B and the last ΟΦΟΡΟΙ were worn off by the all-devouring time, and that the whole writing would have been ΒΑΙΟΦΟΡΟΙ ΠΥΘΙΚΟΙ, that is, the Pythian palm branches: for, as we said above, ΒΑΪΑ means palm branches. While he also allows the guess whether AI is not a sign of wonder and wish, the first part of αἴ or αἰαῖ, to indicate the greatness of the happiness to be obtained with the palm, and the desire to grasp it. However, if any figure was shown, which was the coin of ANTONINUS with so much wearing down of the last word, that only two letters A and I were to be seen from it, and the location of the wearing was not against it, then one could more reasonably think that the front A and the I were remnants of the word ΑΚΤΙΑ, and that one had to grant a place to that, and nothing else.
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§. VIII.
Now, that the palm branches were given to the victor in the hand as a sign of victory and placed on the head as a victory crown, would have its origin in the fact that THESEUS, when he organized a competition in Delos for APOLLO, is said to have crowned the victors with the palm. Pausanias points to this origin (Pausanias, book 8), and supports it with a testimony from Homerus, saying: "The following is said about this: that Theseus, when he (as is said) returned from Crete, organized a competition in Delos for Apollo and crowned the victors with the palm. This custom is therefore said to have begun there. Homer also mentioned the palm in Delos in the passage about Odysseus' request to the daughter of Alcinous." With that coronation, the handing over of the branch undoubtedly preceded, and the same way of doing things remained in use in the Olympic area, with the only difference that instead of a palm crown, an olive crown was added to the head after the handing over of the palm branch. While otherwise in a military victory a laurel branch was placed in the hands, and at the same time a crown of laurel was placed on the head, as is clear from this verse of Tibullus (Tibullus, book 2, elegy 5, at the end), sung in honor of the triumphant MESSALA:
Ipse gerens lauros, lauro devinctus agresti
Miles, iö, magna voce, triumphe canet.
That is:
The warrior, who bears the branch, on his head the crown
Of laurel leaf, when you will come
With all your retinue, will to your praise and reward
Roar nothing but 'Io triumphe' with a rough voice.
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But it is also certain that the Romans, in imitation of the Greeks, gave the victorious palm branches. This is clearly shown by Livy's words: eodem anno (sc. Sp. Carvilio, L. Papirio Consulibus) coronati primum ob res bello bene gestas ludos Romanos spectaverunt; palmaeque, tum primum translato e Graeci more, Victoribus datae. That is: in the same year (namely when Spurius Carvilius and Lucius Papirius were consuls) those who had conducted themselves well in the war first watched the Roman Games crowned; and palm branches, a custom that was then adopted for the first time from the Greek custom, were given to the victors.
§. IX.
Now, the reason why a branch of a palm tree in particular was assigned to victory and given to the victors, must be further investigated. In this investigation, the use of Ursinus' words comes in handy (Ursinus, Arboretum Biblicum, part 1, section 4, chapter 41, number 18), about Plutarch's consideration as to why, where each game had its special crowns, they all nevertheless had the palm? “Was it because of its beauty? or with a view to its long life, and that it does not shed a single sprouted leaf? or because it was dedicated to Apollo Pythius, the president of the games? or because it, according to the Babylonians, produces three hundred and sixty kinds of virtues? or finally, because it does not let itself be pressed down by any weight, but pushes up against it?” On these matters one may also consult the learned reasonings of Paschalius (Paschalius, book 6, chapter 20). The last one certainly comes into consideration in particular (namely, when we presuppose that perhaps, because the palm tree is very difficult to climb due to its height and sharp bark, the palm branch was presented to the competitors as a prize sign, to show that they could not obtain it except through hard work).
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And therefore Lydius says, quoting from others (Lydius, Agonistica Sacra, chapter 44): “for just as the palm branches, although pressed by a heavy weight, do not yield under the load, but try to lift themselves higher as if with new forces, so a brave competitor bears the labor, and does not evade it through cowardly weakness, nor collapses under it, but encourages and hardens himself against the difficulties, so that at the same time the forces of body and soul are strengthened and increased.” These are almost the words of Plutarch (Plutarch, Symposion, book 8, problem 4). Aulus Gellius has rendered the same in part as follows (Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, book 3, chapter 6): Si supra palmae, inquit, arboris lignum magna pondera imponas &c. That is: “if you (he says) place great weights on the wood of the palm tree, and press and burden it so heavily that it cannot endure the greatness of the load, then the palm does not bend down, nor does it shrink, but rises up against the load, and drives upwards, curving upwards.” For this reason, says Plutarch, the palm was established as a sign of victory in the competitive games, since the nature of this wood is such that it does not yield to what presses and oppresses it. The nature of the palm has also been described by Xenophon in this way (Xenophon, Cyropaedia, book 7): “for the palm trees also, when they are burdened, bend upwards, just like the pack mules.”
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One can also see on this what Aristotle (Aristotle, Problems, 8), Pliny (Pliny, Naturalis Historia, book 16, chapter 42), Erasmus (Erasmus in the proverb 'To bear the palm') and others have noted.
§. X.
After the giving, that is, of the branch, or, if someone prefers otherwise, of the piece of copper or the coin, fourthly, the encouragement happened, as has become clear above from Clement of Alexandria; a word that Paschalius (Paschalius, book 6, chapter 22) explains as incitamentum sive adhortatio, encouragement or exhortation, namely, to clap hands and cheer in honor of the victor. This encouragement must be considered to have been done either by some appointed servants, who prompted the people with a sign or word to fill the field and the air with handclapping and cheering, and to let the screaming echoes tumble into each other, if not to collide with each other and stubbornly contend; or by the people among themselves, who enjoyed watching the game, and overflowed with favor for the victor, and therefore each for himself tried to be the first in roaring, yes, in inciting others to roar.
§. XI.
Now, fifthly, upon the prompting (Paschalius, ibid.), indeed at the same time, the clapping, roaring and cheering of the entire people erupted, which was called Krotos by the Greeks, and doing it was called jubilating the victory. The Latins called that act plausus, clapping, and the act of doing it plaudere, clapping, because it largely consisted of an excessive clapping of the hands together, or also on other body parts, being a sign of joy, favor, praise, price, and even congratulation among the ancients. So, for example, ALCIBIADES was clapped for and roared at, as has been shown above (chapter 3, § 8) from a verse of Euripides:
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But, O son of Clinias,
'I will roar your virtues:
Beautiful Victor, ha!
Clapping with my palms. etc.
§. XII.
After that, sixthly, but according to the count of Clement of Alexandria (who omits the giving of the election stone, the adornment with white garments to approach the Olympic fighters, etc.) thirdly, the scattering of leaves and flowers took place. This is shown, from the said Clement, by Faber (Faber, book 2, chapter 10), Paschalius (Paschalius, book 6, chapter 22) and Lydius (Lydius, chapter 44) and others, in places already cited. However, we understand the matter so that perhaps some flower scattering (as well as some handclapping and the putting on of some victory garments) did take place beforehand, that is, before the coronation; but that the full measure and glory of this only happened after the coronation. Wherefore we will first consider the coronation, and then portray this and other glorious consequences a little more broadly.